Essay on environmental protection and economic development - correlation research definition pdf









essay on environmental protection and economic development

essay on environmental protection and economic developmentEssay on environmental protection and economic development -Côte d’Ivoire underwent what might loosely be described as a magnified version of the standard growth trajectory.From the perspectives of both dependency theory and “rational choice” institutionalism, the original sin of colonialism in Africa was that it did not introduce a full-blooded capitalist system, based upon private property and thereby generating the pressures towards competition and accumulation necessary to drive self-sustained economic growth.Within Africa, the structure of incentives encouraged a high degree of self-sufficiency, and by the middle of the 20th century it was widely assumed that pre-colonial economies had necessarily been overwhelmingly subsistence-oriented.With respect to tariffs, this case would apply less strongly to French colonies because of the protectionism of the French empire.A feature of the theoretical and ideological debate about the history of economic development in Africa is that it is possible to reach rather similar conclusions from very different scholarly and political starting-points.This did not mean “resource abundance” as much of Africa’s mineral endowment was either unknown or inaccessible with pre-industrial technology or was not yet valuable even overseas.It identifies an emerging African comparative advantage in land-extensive forms of production, which West Africans in particular were already exploiting and, by their investments and initiatives, deepening.At a time when development economists (especially but not exclusively those writing in French) tended to favour a leading role for the State in the search for development in mixed economies (Hugon 1993; Killick 1978) P. Bauer (1953; 1972) attacked the late colonial State for introducing statutory marketing boards and thereby laying the foundation of what he considered to be deadening State interventionism.The year 1960 is conventionally used as the “stylised date” of independence, for the good reason that it saw the end of colonial rule in most of the French colonies south of the Sahara as well as in the most populous British and Belgian ones (Nigeria and Congo respectively).1 Half a century is a reasonable period over which to review the economic impact of legacies because it allows us to consider the issue in the context of different phases of post-colonial policy and performance.Côte d’Ivoire and Ghana made a particularly interesting contrast: similarly-sized neighbours with relatively similar factor endowments and geographical features, but with different colonial heritages.Chapter 4 tries to define the economic and political structures and trends within Africa on the eve of the European partition of the continent.So we said that the decision of economic development and progress of human existence, is more important than the survival and quality of environmental impact.that defined by the extent and form of European appropriation and use of land: “settler”, “plantation” and “peasant” colonies.Excited by the late 20th century wave of economic “globalisation”, some economic liberals have argued that the British empire pioneered the process through its general opposition to tariff protection (1846-1931) and by other pro-market measures (Ferguson 2003; Lal 2004).Development is the constant theme of human development is the last word, and environmental protection is an issue at this stage made manifest, see and solve problems, but development cannot wait.Third, from the ultimate goal of human development perspective, we want to thoroughly solve environmental problems, we must solve the problem, to cure, must give priority to economic development, optimizing the economic structure fundamentally, blocking the source of environmental problems, and to be temporary Similarly to give priority to the development of economic, technical, financial and other support for solving environmental problems in front, the only way to provide environmental protection for human survival and development.Besides asking about the strength of the influence of the past on the future, we need to consider the nature of that influence.This is a qualitative economic development brought about.Humanity is now the most urgent need to address is what? Poverty and hunger are torturing us, there are 854 million people on the planet is now in a state of extreme poverty among the 2.6 billion people now live in poverty which, we only have good survival and development, and we do environmental protection, so that human survival better for the environment is significant.Did colonial rule put African countries on a higher or lower path of economic change?essay on environmental protection and economic developmentIn this framework, chapter 5 then introduces the colonial regimes, highlighting their fiscal constraints and comparing different national styles of colonial rule, focusing on the largest empires, those of Britain and France.Botswana averaged 9.3% annual growth (Berthélemy and Söderling 2001, 324-5).At the same time, economic development and environmental protection bring sufficient funds for technical support.Given the relative scarcity of labour, and in the absence (generally) of significant economies of scale in production, it was rare for the reservation wage (the minimum wage rate sufficient to persuade people to sell their labour rather than work for themselves) to be low enough for a would-be employer to afford to pay it.It is a theme of this essay, however, that another kind of variation between colonies was more important, i.e.The consequent low opportunity cost of dry-season labour reduced the incentive to raise labour productivity in craft production.It is also much less true of the final 30 years of British rule in Africa, which saw not only tariffs but also the creation of marketing boards.Regarding the colonial impact, the case for the prosecution, which a generation ago was urged most strongly by dependency theorists and radical nationalists (Amin 1972; Rodney 1972), is now championed by “rational choice” growth economists. Robinson (2001; 2002) have argued that Africa’s relative poverty at the end of the 20th century was primarily the result of the form taken by European colonialism on the continent: Europeans settling for extraction rather than settling themselves in overwhelming numbers and thereby introducing the kinds of institution (private property rights and systems of government that would support them) that, according to Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson, was responsible for economic development in Europe and the colonies of European settlement in North America and Australasia.2 Colonial extraction in Africa could be seen most decisively in the appropriation of land for European settlers or plantations, a strategy used not only to provide European investors and settlers with cheap and secure control of land, but also to oblige Africans to sell their labour to European farmers, planters or mine-owners (Palmer and Parsons 1977). where the land remained overwhelmingly in African ownership, we will see that major parts of the services sector were effectively monopolised by Europeans.At that time the region was, as before, characterised generally (not everywhere all the time) by an abundance of cultivable land in relation to the labour available to till it (Hopkins 1973; Austin 2008a).The change, however, was less dramatic in most of the former French colonies, where (except in Guinea) the maintenance of a convertible currency had enabled governments to avoid some of the supplementary price and quantity controls which had increasingly been imposed in the mostly former British colonies outside the franc zone.This article asks how the legacies of European rule, both generally and in particular categories of colony, have affected post-colonial economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa.In policy, structural adjustment in the 1980s marked a watershed: a fundamental shift from administrative to market means of resource allocation.about 60 years in most of tropical Africa (Ajayi 1969), and by the weakness of the colonial State (Herbst 2000).Conversely, the characteristic choices of farming techniques were land-extensive and labour-saving; but the thinness of the soils constrained the returns on labour (Austin 2008a).Explicitly positive overviews of colonial rule in Africa are rare (but see Duignan and Gann 1975).Today we have the ability to balance economic development and environmental protection at the same time the.Fed with knowledge honor, warehouse Dan real conceivable manners, do not develop the economy and make everyone well fed, how will know the Environmental Protection?We say that produce environmental protection with economic development is coming, there is no economic development, what about environmental protection?Ironically, in the decade or so following the adoption of structural adjustment they were stagnant or negative, before the Chinese-led boom in world commodity prices eased the region into 12 years of gross domestic product (GDP) growth at an average of 5% a year before the crises of 2007 (rising fuel and food prices, then the beginning of the international financial crisis) and 2008 brought about a “great recession” in 2009 (IMF 2009).In performance, aggregate economic growth rates in the region were pretty respectable until 1973-75 (Jerven 2009). essay on environmental protection and economic development This article reviews how colonial rule and African actions during the colonial period affected the resources and institutional settings for subsequent economic development south of the Sahara.Chapter 9 completes the substantive discussion by commenting on the long-term effects of the colonial intrusion on the capacity of the State in Africa for facilitating and promoting economic development.The environment we live in, our future generations have to live here.For example, many of the major discoveries (notably of oil in Nigeria and diamonds in Botswana) were to occur only during the period of decolonisation.Thus, chapter 2 first attempts a summary of the economic record since independence in order to define the pattern for which colonial legacies may have been partly responsible.Thereby they forged relations which, though unequal, benefited themselves as well as the foreigners.All this helps to explain why the productivity of African labour was apparently higher outside Africa over several centuries, cf.Building on the familiar observation that rulers in Africa have usually found it hard to raise large revenues from domestic sources, Bayart argues that, during colonial rule and since, African elites became clients of colonial or overseas States.Moreover, the fertility of much of the land was relatively low or at least fragile, making it costly or difficult to pursue intensive cultivation, especially in the absence of animal manure.Hence the labour markets of pre-colonial Africa mainly took the form of slave trading (Austin 2005, chapters 6, 8; Austin 2008a).Chapter 6 considers how far colonial rule (and the actions of European companies that it facilitated) reinforced the emergence of a comparative advantage in land-extensive primary exports and looks at the consequences of this for the welfare of the population.The following discussion has three preliminary sections.We cannot have a large chimney in the past generation, and now we can build hydropower, nuclear power plant.The differential impact of French and British rule is explored, but it is argued that a bigger determinant of the differential evolution of poverty, welfare and structural change was the contrast between “settler” and “peasant” economies.Besides optimism and pessimism, a third view of colonial rule, and by implication of its legacy, is that its importance has been over-rated. Many historians are struck by the brevity of colonial rule south of the Sahara, i.e.the underlying economic logic of the external slave trades which in turn, ironically, aggravated the scarcity of labour within Africa itself (Austin 2008b; Manning 1990).First, the relationship between humans and nature from the point of view, if there is no human on this earth, environmental protection will become meaningless, and economic development as the driving force behind human development, so that we get rid of the nascent, ignorant “drill wood to make fire” to make our relationship more harmony between man and nature, more closely, so that humanity gradually realized the importance of environmental protection, environmental protection and for the development of a series of measures and legal systems.Notoriously, output per head in Sub-Saharan Africa is the lowest of any major world region and has, on average, expanded slowly and haltingly since 1960.This fragmentation later facilitated the European conquest.Environmental issues are very important, but to talk about this in the case of the people does not solve the problem of food and clothing, not economic development, environmental protection is only a slogan, not put into action. essay on environmental protection and economic development Then there was coercive recruitment of labour by colonial administrations, whether to work for the State or for European private enterprise (Fall 1993; Northrup 1988).The issue is seen from the perspective of the dynamics of development in what was in 1900 an overwhelmingly land-abundant region characterised by shortages of labour and capital, by perhaps surprisingly extensive indigenous market activities and by varying but often low levels of political centralisation.There were notable exceptions to the general growth trends, both before and after the turning-point in the early to mid-1970s.A narrower but important argument was made by the then small group of liberal development economists between the 1950s and 1970s.By no coincidence,2 most of Sub-Saharan Africa was colonised at a time when the industrialisation of Europe was creating or expanding markets for various commodities that could profitably be produced in Africa.More ambivalent are the arguments of Jean-François Bayart (1989; 2000).But there have been important changes, and variations over space, in policy and performance.Thus, roughly, while Côte d’Ivoire was rising Ghana was falling, and vice versa.Chapter 3 outlines contending views of those legacies.In the early human economy entered a rapid development stage, due to capacity constraints, will inevitably cause damage to the environment to some extent.Sleeping sickness prevented the use of large animals, whether for ploughing or transport, in the forest zones and much of the savannas.Many studies, though, mention the suppression of intra-African warfare, the abolition of internal slave trading and slavery, the introduction of mechanised transport and investment in infrastructure, and the development of modern manufacturing in the “settler” economies and in the Belgian Congo.Only one Sub-Saharan economy, Botswana, sustained growth over three, indeed four, decades since its independence, which was in 1966.To evaluate the colonial legacy, we need to distinguish it from the situation and trends at the beginning of colonial rule, which in most of Sub-Saharan Africa occurred during the European “Scramble”, from 1879 to 1905.The last half-century of research has progressively changed this assessment, especially for West Africa where a strong tendency towards extra-subsistence production was evident in the 16th and 17th centuries.We destroy the environment of economic development, some…From the perspective of institutional change, a fundamental observation applicable to the region generally was highlighted by John Sender and Sheila Smith (1986).Ethiopia was the exception that proved the rule, with its fertile central provinces and large agricultural surplus supporting a long-established and modernising State that, alone in Africa, had the economic base to resist the “Scramble” successfully.It averaged an annual GDP growth of 9.5% from 1960 to 1978 (Berthélemy and Söderling 2001, 324-5) but then had several years of stagnation followed by civil war. Ghanaian GDP per capita was barely higher in 1983, when it began structural adjustment, than at independence in 1957.1 However, as one of the two most successful cases of structural adjustment in Africa (the other being Uganda), Ghana averaged nearly 5% annual growth during the quarter-century after 1983.Second, we must protect the environment of economic development is the strategy of sustainable development requirements. essay on environmental protection and economic development Within Africa, the structure of incentives encouraged a high degree of self-sufficiency, and by the middle of the 20th century it was widely assumed that pre-colonial economies had necessarily been overwhelmingly subsistence-oriented. essay on environmental protection and economic development

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